1 When asked what message he wanted people to take away after reading Outliers, gladwell responded, "What we do as a community, as a society, for each other, matters as much as what we do for ourselves. It sounds a little trite, but there's a powerful amount of truth in that, i think." 1 Synopsis edit outliers has two parts: "Part One: Opportunity" contains five chapters, and "Part Two: Legacy" has four. The book also contains an Introduction and Epilogue. 6 Focusing on outliers, defined by Gladwell as people who do not fit into our normal understanding of achievement, 3 Outliers deals with exceptional people, especially those who are smart, rich, and successful, and those who operate at the extreme outer edge of what. The book offers examples that include the musical ensemble the beatles, microsoft 's co-founder Bill Gates, and the theoretical physicist. In the introduction, Gladwell lays out the purpose of Outliers : "It's not enough to ask what successful people are like.
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The tipping point focuses on how ideas and behaviors reach critical mass, such as how Hush Puppies rapidly grew popular in the 1990s. Blink explains "what happens during the first two seconds we magellan encounter something, before we actually start to think". 3 All Gladwell's books focus on singularities: essay singular events in The tipping point, singular moments in Blink, and singular people in Outliers. Gladwell was drawn to writing about singular things after he discovered that "they always made the best stories". 1 Convinced that the most unusual stories had the best chance of reaching the front page of a newspaper, he was "quickly weaned off the notion that he should be interested in the mundane". 1 For Outliers, gladwell spent time looking for research that made claims that were contrary to what he considered to be popularly held beliefs. In one of the book's chapters, in which Gladwell focuses on the American public school system, he used research conducted by university sociologist Karl Alexander that suggested that "the way in which education is discussed in the United States is backwards". 4 In another chapter, Gladwell cites pioneering research performed by canadian psychologist Roger Barnsley when discussing how the birthdate of a young hockey player can determine their skill level in the future. 5 While writing the book, gladwell noted that "the biggest misconception about success is that we do it solely on our smarts, ambition, hustle and hard work." 3 In Outliers, he hopes to show that there are a lot more variables involved in an individual's. 1 Gladwell noted that, although there was little that could be done with regard to a person's fate, society can still impact the "man"-affected part of an individual's success.
Outliers, finding it important to determine how much individual potential is ignored by society. However, the lessons learned were considered anticlimactic and dispiriting. The writing style, though deemed easy to understand, was criticized for oversimplifying complex social phenomena. Contents, background edit, outliers vegetarianism author Malcolm Gladwell Malcolm Gladwell, the author of Outliers, was a journalist for The washington Post before writing for The new Yorker. The subjects for his articles, usually non-fiction, range from " Ron Popeil 's infomercial empire to computers that analyze pop songs". 1 His familiarity with academic material has allowed him to write about "psychology experiments, sociological studies, law articles, statistical surveys of plane crashes and classical musicians and hockey players which he converts into prose accessible to a general audience and which sometimes pass as memes. Before outliers, gladwell wrote two best-selling books: The tipping point (2000) and Blink (2005). 3 Both books have been described as "pop economics".
Joseph Flom built, skadden, Arps, Slate, meagher flom into one of the most successful law firms in the world, how cultural differences play a large part in perceived intelligence and rational decision making, and how two people with exceptional intelligence, christopher Langan and,. Robert Oppenheimer, end up with such retrolisthesis vastly different fortunes. Throughout the publication, Gladwell repeatedly mentions the "10,000-hour Rule claiming that the key to achieving world-class expertise in any skill, is, to a large extent, a matter of practicing the correct way, for a total of around 10,000 hours, though the authors of the original. Citation needed, the book debuted at number one on the bestseller lists for. The new York times and, the Globe and mail, holding the position on the former for eleven consecutive weeks. Generally well received by critics, outliers was considered more personal than Gladwell's other works, and some reviews commented on how much. Outliers felt like an autobiography. Reviews praised the connection that Gladwell draws between his own background and the rest of the publication to conclude the book. Reviewers also appreciated the questions posed.
David baulk is a graduate of development Studies from the University of London's School of Oriental and African Studies. He currently works in Tamil Nadu, india, as a researcher on women's rights and caste discrimination. (Copyright 2013 Asia times Online (Holdings) Ltd. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.). Outliers: The Story of Success is the third non-fiction book written by, malcolm Gladwell and published by, little, brown and Company on november 18, 2008. Outliers, gladwell examines the factors that contribute to high levels of success. To support his thesis, he examines why the majority of Canadian ice hockey players are born in the first few months of the calendar year, how. Microsoft co-founder, bill Gates achieved his extreme wealth, how the beatles became one of the most successful musical acts in human history, how.
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In light of this, the argument that the government's primary focus should be removing "red tape" in the realm of business should be rigorously scrutinized. There can be no denying that the role of the state in business must undergo systemic change; for too long it has approached the private sector as a means of extending its own networks of patronage. But arguing - as international financial institutions, the international business community, and naypyidaw are - for the roll-back of regulatory mechanisms as an objective willfully ignores those elements of myanmar's political economy that imperil registrar the growth of a well-functioning labor market. The absence of a minimum wage law, and naypyidaw's unwillingness to ratify International Labor Organization conventions to institute basic labor rights, are pertinent. Generating employment in a manner that brings opportunities for the majority of the country's workforce will be vital to bring about a period of sustained economic growth, as will allowing that workforce the currently circumscribed right to register dissent.
The creation of hundreds of thousands of jobs which replicate the inhuman jan conditions currently prevailing in Yangon's industrial zones might expand gdp growth and increase foreign exchange but will do little to ameliorate the lives of the actual factory workers. Bodies such as the United Nations Conference on Trade and development (unctad) have long argued that if the world's least-developed countries are serious about achieving the development promised by institutions such as the International Monetary fund, the world Bank and Asian development Bank,. As argued in unctad's 2013 least developed countries report, there is a strong case to be made for governments to invest in activities in non-tradable sectors (such as infrastructure, education, housing, healthcare, and public administration) as a means of not only generating employment, but also. An improved performance in tables such as the human development Index, the stimulation of domestic markets, and better economic and social circumstances for the country's majority could thus result. There is no paradigmatic optimum strategy for myanmar to pursue in its quest for development. As noted by Princeton University economist Dani rodrik, to understand the latencies and opportunities that exist in a given political economy is a process of discovery. Unearthing what will most effectively bring about meaningful and lasting social and economic change in myanmar begins with demanding a more nuanced approach to the process of "emergence" - one that recognizes the time that systemic change must take, and one that does not blindly.
Secondly, the absence of fresh ideas to address the needs of some of the world's most economically and socially impoverished peoples. Much has been made of myanmar being Asia's "last frontier" - an opportunity for a brand of capitalist development to take root, bringing with it a swathe of market opportunities for both domestic and foreign entrepreneurs. The country's natural resource reserves, geostrategic location, and abundant cheap labor all point to the potential for the right policy mix to generate healthy gdp growth in myanmar - the starting point for the strategy espoused in the fesr. Once the building blocks for myanmar's new market-based economy are in place, the government can set about enforcing the rule of law more effectively, and - as elucidated in the world Bank's latest 'doing Business' report - cultivate a more enabling environment for business. Addressing issues of social development will be far easier with the revenues generated by this process, so the market liberalization theory goes.
However, the modus operandi of both myanmar's parliament and its private sector evince the need for macroeconomic policy and social policy to work in concert; the latter cannot be an addendum of the former. For this to happen, an economic strategy that diverges from the paradigm that has for so long kept many less-developed countries "path dependent to use economists' parlance, must be sought. The case for investing in employment creation which builds both the productive capacities of the workforce and nascent domestic markets in the process is currently not being made - doubtless due to the prevailing weaknesses in public sector and civil service capacities outlined above. This makes questioning whether the current reform strategy is most conducive to myanmar's long-term development all the more important. Slowing the pace of reforms, and taking the time required to address certain systemic issues - for example, the independence of the judiciary, constitutional reform, and lack of capacity at every level of central and local government - is vital for creating a state which. Demanding that myanmar's public sector generates employment, provides healthcare and education, and improves revenue performance by instituting an equitable taxation system is ambitious but absolutely necessary, if only to provide an alternative to wholesale liberalization to generate industrial growth. Industrialization has already resulted in deepening financial inequalities, and is sure to exacerbate problems of rural-urban migration as eking out livelihoods from agriculture becomes even more difficult.
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Western countries have also lifted or suspended the task economic sanctions they imposed against the previous military junta. All of these elements are to a greater or lesser extent necessary for an economy embarking on a transition as sizeable as that of myanmar. Neither the increased marketization of an economy, nor the engagement of the wider regional and management global business communities by themselves represent a threat to a more prosperous future for the people of myanmar. What should be cause for concern, however, is that the development paradigm of which these elements are central pillars is still the only game in town - despite the prevailing issues faced by many of the countries at similarly low levels of development in which. Whilst not denying certain successes of neighboring countries like vietnam and Cambodia brought about by their commitment to export-oriented trade liberalization, the praise lauded upon both countries has tended to take the form of headline indicators, such as gdp growth and foreign exchange generated. A critical observer might point to the more deleterious aspects of these policies - such as the lack of backward linkages and domestic employment created by cambodia's export processing zones, or the increasing levels of income inequality in vietnam - as evidence of how allying. In the case of myanmar, the policy advice given by international financial institutions, governments and the business community is - to varying degrees - committed to this same paradigm, one that naypyidaw has embraced seemingly without question. That blind embrace, however, raises two main issues. Firstly, the ongoing shrinking of space in which governments can operate if they want to be engaged with global markets.
It is irresponsible because it can only be seen to be achieved through the selective use of evidence of genuine change. This selectivity helps to advance arguments aimed at realizing a specific model of economic growth, by making irreversible changes to the country's economic and social fabric. The international community has thus far chosen to view the reform process through the prism of naypyidaw, using the number of legislative bills passed and committees created in the new capital as evidence of both de jure and de facto change. If corruption museum is nominally being tackled, if parliament is operating in a more transparent manner, and if certain political prisoners are being freed, should the country's progress not be recognized? The simplicity of this argument is what makes it so compelling; it gives license to absolve interested observers of the responsibility to investigate the spurious nature of what is being argued - a particularly difficult task in myanmar. In advancing this thesis, space is created for the implementation of a paradigm of growth anchored in the notion that wealth creation is the necessary precursor to social development, against which voices of dissent struggle to be heard. The international community's recognition of myanmar's reform process has largely materialized in the form of increased investment - the estimated foreign direct investment compounded annual growth rate over the past three years is 316 - and the signing of bilateral trade deals, greatly increasing the.
absence of institutional capacity and infrastructure to effectively proceed on such a wide-ranging reform process at such breakneck speed. The international community has pointed to the activity of parliament as evidence that progress in this regard has been substantial. But the passage of a bill and the institution of a modus operandi are two very different things. For example, uprooting a culture of corruption that permeates so many levels of the country's social fabric will take far longer than the passage of an Anti-corruption Bill - though, tellingly, this took over a year. Decades-long under-investment in education helped to institutionalize corruption as a last resort to achieving economic advancement in the absence of human capital. Sedulously combating this culture is just one of the dozens of objectives myanmar's over-stretched central government has elucidated in its Framework of Economic and Social Reforms (fesr). While the policy mix articulated in the fesr has its strengths on paper, expecting a civil service, government machinery, and business community to rapidly overhaul the informal rules and regulations institutionalized over decades of military rule, is at best optimistic. To attempt to achieve this on a timescale under which even the most well-resourced nation would struggle, however, is irresponsible.
The opening of foreign exchange markets, the consolidation of the country's multiple exchange rates, and attempts to make parliamentary business more letter transparent are all welcome steps away from the isolationism for which myanmar had become infamous under direct military rule. Yet the risk of focusing on notable successes is that doing so can easily distort the lived reality of the majority of myanmar's people. The excitement generated by these reforms has allowed the international community's focus to narrow, to the neglect of the men, women and children who continue to live in misery under the country's military-backed, quasi-civilian government. Noting that "obstacles remain" has largely been taken as an appropriate level of caution when discussing myanmar's purported transition. Self evidently, this is more platitude than profundity. Drawing people on exactly what these "obstacles" are - and what they are precluding the achievement of - is more illuminating. Clearly, some of the biggest relate to the implementation of the strategy of economic and social reform upon which the country is embarking - not forgetting the ongoing prevalence of ethnic conflict, displacement, arbitrary imprisonment, forced labor, and gender violence which prevail in different parts. A more candid assessment might note that the remaining "obstacles" will take many years of discussion, institutional reform, education, and social rebalancing to address; that is, if the genuine aim of reforms is the amelioration of the lives of myanmar's impoverished majority.
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Dearth of restaurant ideas in myanmar transition. By david baulk, on paper, few countries have had as good a year as myanmar. It has seen the lifting of economic sanctions, the write-off of a substantial portion of the country's debts, strong levels of gross domestic product (GDP) growth, the winning the Association of southeast Asia nations' (asean) chairmanship, the hosting of the world Economic Forum on East. This progress report is surprising considering that 2013 also brought evidence of the government's role in stoking religious hatred across the country, the number of internally displaced people resulting from civil conflict and land grabbing burgeoned, and the country continued to languish towards the bottom. The wheels of myanmar's transition are in motion; progress is being made, but obstacles remain before the reform process realizes its potential. Few people have contested this narrative of progress - in a sense, the impossibility of being able to contest this is what makes it such an effective rhetorical device. But there has been little debate as to whether the existing social and economic infrastructure - and the proposals to strengthen it - can actually deliver over the long term. Moreover, the slew of policymakers paying lip service to the need for responsible investment and progress on human rights issues has sidelined the most egregious elephant in the room: is the policy mix of the reform strategy the most effective for realizing President Thein sein's.